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This story is from April 14, 2013

Are US-India biorhythms down? Again

The inherent biorhythms of Indo-US relations appear to be down and urgent maintenance is in order.
Are US-India biorhythms down? Again
The inherent biorhythms of Indo-US relations appear to be down and urgent maintenance is in order. There is nothing that can't be fixed with good coordination but senior leadership in both capitals needs to be seized of the matter.
While the big picture remains positive, the smaller picture has become muddy. Old suspicions about the United States are rising in India, leading to a careful distancing.
It is not knee-jerk anti-Americanism of the days of yore but genuine anxiety about the new friendship. Will the strategic partnership stand the test of our times?
That test is Afghanistan. The 2014 US troop withdrawal and attendant processes have forced India to rethink. Delhi sees Pakistan gaining primacy with American blessings in determining Afghanistan's political future. This is nothing but a wrecking ball. One just has to ask the Afghans, their parliamentarians and intelligence officials . But they are marginalized in the desperate search for a peaceful exit for US troops. AfPak has become PakAf.
Washington is too busy softening Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani to notice them. Sweeteners are flowing Rawalpindi's way. Recent largesse includes the Obama Administration's quiet waiver to Pakistan on February 15, which allows sales of "major defence equipment." Does that mean F-16 s or counterterrorism hardware? US officials insist there are no F-16 s on the cards and India's qualitative military superiority will not be jeopardized.
But it is cold comfort to Delhi. The waiver was granted on grounds of US "national security interests" and Pakistan's interests will be prominent until the exit is complete.This week John Kerry, the new secretary of state, requested the US Congress for a $1.4 billion aid package for Pakistan to "help reduce the conditions which enable extremism and its calling card, terrorism." Kerry is sympathetic to Pakistan's case. But throwing money at Pakistan has never got the US any sustained relief.

Then there is the matter of the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline inaugurated with great fanfare in Chabahar last month. Instead of sanctioning Pakistan, Washington chose to remain quiet on the issue. The response was starkly different from the loud and consistent pressure on India to cut oil imports from Iran.
Just as the reset with Pakistan, which began at the end of the first Obama Administration, has gained momentum in the second, pragmatic cooperation with India has lessened. If fighting terrorism remains the biggest goal, dissing India is unwise. Foreign minister Salman Khurshid was to come to Washington last week but the visit was cancelled. Both sides insist the reason resides with the other. If I were to guess, a Khurshid in Washington wouldn't have gone down well with a Kayani in Rawalpindi at this time. It was about signals.
What India needs is a forceful articulation of its security interests both in Washington and Delhi. Taking refuge in the long arc of good relations is not sufficient given the bubbling suspicions, which can easily set other more positive tracks back. There is a need to clear the air.
Pakistan's ascendance in the Afghan theatre means undermining of Indian security interests. It is a no-brainer because Pakistan military demands that any future Afghan government must be "friendly" to Islamabad. That means it should be distant from India so it can provide Pakistan "strategic depth." For Islamabad, Afghanistan is not a real country but mere geographic relief from India.
As the Afghan peace process unfolds with various Taliban factions under Pakistani control, India will carefully watch whether the US adheres to its own declared "red lines" - that the Taliban renounce violence, break with al-Qaida and "respect" the Afghan constitution.
But respect is an elastic term. Why not insist on swearing an oath to the constitution? And what's with breaking off only with al-Qaida ? What about the other terrorist groups with links to ISI? The delicate dividing lines between al-Qaida , Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Haqqani network that Washington claims to discern are invisible to the less fortunate but who live closer to the playground.
Washington says it is determined to "stick" to the red lines. And it wants India to stay committed to Afghanistan's economic development, helping to embed it firmly into the region. US officials also insist that Afghanistan will not become a "protectorate" of Pakistan. As proof, they cite US tolerance of Afghan-Iran relations.
They say the US strategy has not changed and nor should India's . So long as Afghanistan continues to integrate with South and Central Asia, it is for the good. The rail links on the drawing board - several are planned by China - would mean less economic and strategic dependence on Pakistan and a possible breakout moment for Afghanistan.
But the Americans have some convincing to do in Delhi.
author
About the Author
Seema Sirohi

Senior journalist who writes on foreign policy and India's place in the world.

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